他昨天下午五点在看电视-在线分享

他昨天下午五点在看电视-在线分享 句法專題 0923666 AFL4 林育稜 1. Introduction Asher and Lascarides (2002) suggest that the temporal relation between two sentences is determined by the rhetorical relation connecting these two sentences together, for example, if two sentences are connected by Narration, then the temporal order between the two events represented by these two sentences matches the contextual order of these two sentences, if two sentences are connected by Explanation, the explaining event occurs before the explained event, etc. ◎ Unless specified otherwise in the context, a clause zai or zhe is connected to a clause adjacent to it by Background. It is unknown whether an event presented by 在 will come to an end. Therefore, the narrative time of an event presented by 在 cannot be advanced. On the other hand, the durative ‘著’ does not have the Imperfective Paradox because it goes with only homogeneous eventualities, which do not have a natural final endpoint to reach. Therefore, the narrative time of an eventuality presented by ‘著’ cannot be advanced, either. An eventuality presented by ‘著’ lasts for an interval larger than an instant, the interval is long enough for another event to reach its end. Only under this circumstance can the narrative time of an eventuality presented by ‘著’ can be advanced. That is, a clause can be connected to the clause following it by Narration when there is completed event embedded under the eventuality presented by ‘著’, but a clause with ‘在’ can not. The two rhetorical relations discussed above do not need any cue phrases in the discourse. 2. Semantics of the Progressive ‘在’ and the Durative ‘著’ The progressive ‘在’ can only go with an instant adverbial, but not with an interval adverbial, as in (1). (1) a. 他昨天下午五點在看電視 b. 他整個早上*(都)在看電視 In (1a), ‘在’ is compatible with 五點, a temporal adverbial denoting an instant. In (1b), ‘在’ requires the distributive operator ‘都’to go with ‘整個早上’, a temporal 1 句法專題 0923666 AFL4 林育稜 adverbial expressing an interval. First, the durative ‘著’ can go with activities under certain condition. Second, the durative ‘著’ can go with only adverbials denoting an interval, but not with adverbials expressing an instant. (2) a. *他昨天下午五點看著電視 b. 他整個早上看著電視 The endpoint of an event presented by ‘在’ is accessible because it is unknown if the point will be reached. That is, the time point presented by ‘在’ is any point in an event, other than the final endpoint. The final endpoint of an eventuality presented by ‘著’ is inaccessible because the eventuality has no final endpoint to reach. 3.1 Default Function of ‘在’ and ‘著’ Both of the two imperfective markers present a time which can serve as a reference time, it is hypothesized that a clause with either the progressive ‘在’ or the durative ‘著’ serve as a temporal background unless specified otherwise. (4) a. 小李在游泳 b. 小張看到了忍不住教了他幾招 (5) a. 小店裡賣冰的老太太十幾年下來還在賣冰 b. 她的生命好像禁桎在那個小小的房屋裡 c. 不斷在做同樣的事 According to Asher and Lascarides, (5c) is subtpe of (y5b), (5c) is a clause that elaborates (5b). The reason why (5c) does not serve as a temporal background for (5b) is that the subtype relation between (5b) and (5c) overrides the default function specified by the progressive ‘在’. That is why the hypothesis specifies a defeasible inference. The durative ‘著’ has exactly the same default function. A clause with the durative ‘著’ defeasibly serves as a temporal background, but this default function can be overridden by other information. For example, (6) a. 那天晚上李文修發著高燒 b. 小臉蛋兒燒得燙紅 c. 說了許多胡話 (7) a. 經濟的發展對政治有著深重的影響 2 句法專題 0923666 AFL4 林育稜 b. 這八年來政治不太安定 c. 所以搞得人心惶惶 d. 談經濟復甦更是空談 In this two examples, there is no indication of which rhetorical relation connects (6a) with (6b-c) while there is an indication of which rhetorical relation connects (7a) to (7b-d). Since there is no indication of the relationship between (6a) and (6b-c), the durative ‘著’ specifies that (6a) serves as a temporal background for (6b-c). This inference fits our intuition about the relationship between (6a) and (6b-c). Here, (6a) temporally overlaps (6b-c). In sum, whenever there is no indication of any kind in the discourse that specifies which rhetorical relation connects a clause with either ‘在’ or ‘著’ to an adjacent clause, then the clause with ‘在’ or ‘著’ serve as a temporal background. 3.2 Constraints on Advancement of Narrative Time The contrast between the progressive ‘在’ and the durative ‘著’ in whether the narrative time of an event presented by ‘在’ or of an eventuality presented by ‘著’ can be advanced. (8) a. 他從瓦壺裡倒了一碗熱奶酪 b. 瞧著他喝下了 c. 又替他弄好杯碗 (9) a. 他從瓦壺裡倒了一碗熱奶酪 b. 在瞧他喝下(*了) c. !又替他弄好杯碗 In (8b), ‘喝下’ is a directional complement compound. ‘喝下’ includes its verbal semantics and, in a context with the perfective le, the compound has reached its final endpoint, according to Wu (2005a, 2003b). Since ‘著’ indicates that ‘瞧’ lasts over an interval, which is long enough for ‘喝 下’ to end, the narrative time of the eventuality represented by (8b) can be advanced. This analysis matches native speaker’s intuition since the ‘弄好’ event, represented by (8c), occurs after the ‘瞧著他喝下’ eventuality, represented by (8b). It can be argued that the embedded completed event imposes a final endpoint on the eventuality and terminates the lasting of the eventuality. Since ‘在’ presents an event ongoing at an instant, (9b) expresses an event very different from the one (8b) describe. (9b) actually describes an instant of the process of event being witnessed. Since (9b) is actually an ongoing event and the time when it reaches its natural final endpoint is unknown, the event time of (9b) cannot be 3 句法專題 0923666 AFL4 林育稜 advanced. This is why (9c) is not a good continuation to (9b). 3. 3 Other Temporal Relations An event ongoing at an instant can be temporally included in another event since an event ongoing at an instant present a time point, which can be easily included in the time of another event or eventuality. An eventuality lasting over an interval can temporally include another event or eventuality because the previous one can hold long enough. Other rhetorical relations are possible as lone as there are cue phrases indicating those rhetorical relations and the temporal relations specified by those rhetorical relations do not violate the temporal constraint of ‘在’ and ‘著’. (10) a. 如賀若維玆演奏時 b. 很有趣好像在遊戲 c. 因為他彈起琴來不在乎原來的旋律 d. 反之旋律是為他的感情而存在的 In (10), ‘在’ is in (10b). 因為 in (10c) is the cue phrase that specifies that (10c) and (10d) are connected to (10a) and (10b) by Explanation. Contrast specifies temporal overlapping when one of the contrastive clauses has the progressive ‘在’ or the durative ‘著’. An interval or an instant can overlap with another interval or instant. Hence, the temporal constraints of ‘在’ and ‘著’ are obeyed. A clause with ‘在’ or ‘著’ can be connected to another clause by Contrast. (11) a. 她心裡想 b. 自己是一個堂堂的大學畢業生 c. 卻老是做著低三下四的跑茶工作 d. 因此心裡很不開心 To sum up, a clause with either ‘在’ or ‘著’ can be connected to another clauses by rhetorical relations such as Contrast as long as the temporal relations specified by those rhetorical relations obey the temporal constraint of ‘在’ and ‘著’ and as long as there are cue phrases indicating those rhetorical relations. 3.4 Discussion and Summery The aspect marker cannot be claimed to directly determine temporal relation because the same aspect marker can appear in clauses which have different temporal relations with other clauses, e.g. temporal overlapping when a clause with ‘在’ or ‘著’ serves as (1) a temporal background, (2) temporal inclusion when the same clauses serves as an elaborated or elaborating clauses, (3) temporal progression when the time of an eventuality presented by ‘著’ can be advanced. Where there is no information in the context indicating which rhetorical relation is at 4 句法專題 0923666 AFL4 林育稜 work, it is Background that connects a clause with ‘在’ or ‘著’ to an adjacent clause. 4. An SDRT Account Segmented Discourse Representation Theory argues that the clauses in a coherent discourse are connected together by rhetorical relation and the temporal relation between two clauses is determined by the rhetorical relation that connects the clauses together. (12) a. John fell down b. Mary helped him up. (13) a. John fell down. b. Mary pushed him. In SDRT terms, (12b) is connected to (12a) by Narration, which indicates that the temporal order of a discourse matches its contextual order. On the other hand, (13b) is connected to (13a) by Explanation, which indicates that the temporal order of a discourse is its reversed contextual order. P15 (16) a. 小李在游泳(1) b. 老海看到了(2) 忍不住教了他幾次(3) 5