丘吉尔的演讲

"BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS" (温斯顿 丘吉尔的) Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration. It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties. I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow. The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution: "That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion." To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home. In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival. Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal. I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."  Winston Churchill - May 13, 1940 “热血、汗水和眼泪” 　　温斯顿?丘吉尔 (1940年5月13日 ) 　　上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。 　　按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。 　　我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。 　　由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。 　　其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。 　　为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。 　　现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下： 　　“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。” 　　组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。 　　值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。 　　我向国会明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。 　　若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。 　　若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。 　　我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。 　　我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。 　　在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进！” 温斯顿·丘吉尔 在俄国遭到入侵时发表的广播演说 Winston Churchill BROADCAST ON RUSSIA BEING INVADED June 22 ， 1941 Winston Churchill BROADCAST ON RUSSIA BEING INVADED June 22，1941 　　At 4 o'clock this morning Hitler attacked and invaded Russia.Suddenly，without declaration of war，without even an ultimatum，the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities； the German troops violated the Russian frontiers and an hour later the German Ambassador，who till the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship，almost of alliance，upon the Russians，called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed be- teen Germany and Russia. 　　Hitler is a monster of wickedness，insatiable in his lust for blood and plunder.The Nazi regimes devoid of all theme and principle except appetite and racial domination.It excels in all forms of human wickedness，in the efficiency of its cruelty and ferocious aggression.No one has been a more consistent opponent of Communism than I have for the last twenty-five years.I will unsay no words that I‘ve spoken about it.But all this fades away before the spectacle which is now unfolding. 　　The past， with its crimes，its follies and its tragedies，flashes away.I see the Russian soldiers standing on the threshold of their native land， guarding the fields which their fathers have tilled from time immemorial.I see them guarding their homes，their mothers and wives pray，ah，yes，for there are times when all pray for the safety of their loved ones，for the return of the breadwinner，of the champion，of their protectors. 　　I see the 10，000 villages of Russia，where the means of existence was wrung so hardly from the soil，but where there are still primordial human joys，where maidens laugh and children play.I see advancing upon all this，in hideous onslaught，the Nazi war machine，with its clanking，heel-clicking，dandified Prussian officers，its crafty expert agents，fresh from the cowing and tying down of a dozen countries.I see also the dull，drilled， docile，brutish masses of the Hun soldiery，plod-ding on like a swarm of crawling locusts.I see the German bombers and fighters in the sky，still smarting from many a British whipping，so delightful to find what they believe is an easier and a safer prey.And behind all this glare，behind all this storm，I see that small group of villainous men who planned，organized and launched this cataract of horrors upon mankind. 　　And then my mind goes back across the years to the days when the Russian armies were our Al- lies against the same deadly foe，when they fought with so much valor and constancy and helped to gain a victory，from all share in which，alas，they were，through no fault of ours，utterly cut off. 　　I have lived through all this and you will par-don me if I express my feelings and me stir of old memories.But now I have to declare the decision of His Majesty's Government，and I feel sure it is decision in which the great Dominions will，in due course，concur.And that we must speak of now，at once，without a day's delay.I have to make the declaration but，can you doubt what our policy will be？ 　　We have but one aim and one single irrevocable purpose.We are resolved to destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime.From this nothing will turn us.Nothing.We will never parley； we will never negotiate with Hitler or any of his gang.We shall fight him by land； we shall fight him by sea； we shall fight him in the air，until，with God's help we have rid the earth of his shadow and liberated its people from his yoke. 　　Any man or State who fights against Nazism will have our aid.Any man or State who marches with Hitler is our foe.This applies not only to organized States but to all representatives of that vile race of Quislings who make themselves the tools and agents of the Nazi regime against their fellow countrymen and against the lands of their births.These Quislings，like the Nazi leaders themselves，if not disposed of by their fellow countrymen，which would save trouble，will be delivered by us on the morrow of victory to the justice of the Al- lied tribunals.That is our policy and that is our declaration. 　　Hitler's invasion of Russia is no more than a prelude to an attempted invasion of the British Isles.He hopes，no doubt，that all this may be ac-accomplished before the Winter comes and that he can overwhelm Great Britain before the fleets and air power of the United States will intervene.He hopes that he may once again repeat upon a greater scale than ever before that process of destroying his enemies one by one，by which he has so long thrived and prospered，and that then the scene will be clear for the final act，without which all his conquests would be in vain，namely，the subjugation of the Western Hemisphere to his will and to his system. 　　The Russian danger is therefore our danger and the danger of the United States just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free peoples in every quarter of the globe. 　　Let us learn the lessons already taught by such cruel experience.Let us redouble our exertions and strike with united strength while life and power remain. 温斯顿·丘吉尔 在俄国遭到入侵时发表的广播演说 1941年6月22日 　　今天凌晨4时，希特勒已进攻并侵入俄国。没有宣战，甚至没有最后通牒，德国炸弹突然在俄国城市的上空雨点般地落下，德国军队侵犯俄国边境。一小时后，德国大使拜见俄国外交部长，称两国已处于战争状态。而正是这位大使，昨夜还在喋喋不休地向俄国人保证友谊，几乎要保证结盟。 　　希特勒是个伤天害理，屠杀掠夺成性的魔鬼；而纳粹除了欲望和种族统治外，毫无宗旨和原则。它凶恶残忍的侵略所造成的后果，为人类一切形式的罪恶行径所不及。在过去25年里，没有人比我反对共产主义更始终如一的了。我不想收回我对此所说过的话。但是，所有这一切在目前展现的情景面前都黯然失色了。 　　过去的一切，连同它的罪恶，它的愚蠢和悲剧，正在飞驰而去。我看见俄国士兵站在其祖国的大门口，守卫着自古以来他们的祖先就已耕作的土地。我看见他们在守卫家园，他们的母亲和妻子在祈祷——呵，是的，因为这个时候人人都要为所爱之人的平安而祈祷，为他们的赡养者、战斗者和保护者的归来而祈祷。 　　我看见数以万计的俄罗斯村庄，那儿的人们正在艰辛地从土地中获取生活资料，但那儿依然有着人类的基本乐趣，少女在欢笑，儿童在玩耍。我看见纳粹的战争机器连同立正起来喀嚓一声，全身叮当作响的花花公子似的普鲁士军官，以及刚刚威吓、压制过十多个国家的、奸诈无比的特工高手，向这一切碾压过去，展开了骇人听闻的袭击。我看见大批愚笨迟钝，受过训练，唯命是从，凶残暴戾的德国士兵，像一大群爬行的蝗虫正在沉重缓慢地前进。我看见因英国人的多次惩罚仍心有余悸的德国轰炸机和战斗机在天空盘旋，为找到一个自以为唾手可得的猎物而得意忘形。在这种嚣张气焰的背后，在这场突然袭击的背后，我看到了那一小撮策划、组织并向人类发动这场恐怖战争的恶棍。于是，我的思绪回到了若干年前。那时，俄国军队是我们抗击同一不共戴天的仇敌的盟军，他们坚韧不拔，英勇善战，帮助我们赢得了胜利，但后来，唉，他们却完全同这一切隔开了——虽然这并非我们的过错。 　　我亲身经历了所有这一切。如果我直抒胸臆，感怀旧事，你们是会原谅我的。但是，我现在必须宣布国王陛下政府的决定，我确信伟大的自治领在适当时候会一致同意这项决定的。而我们必须在现在，必须立即宣布这项决定，一天也不能耽搁。我必须发表这项声明，我相信，你们绝不会怀疑我们将要采取的政策。 　　我们只有一个目标，一个唯一的、不可变更的目标。我们决心要消灭希特勒，清除纳粹制度的一切痕迹。什么也不能使我们改变这个决心。什么也不能！我们决不谈判；我们决不同希特勒或他的任何党羽进行谈判。我们将在陆地同他作战；我们将在海洋同他作战；我们将在天空同他作战，直到在上帝的帮助下，在地球上清除他的阴影，并把地球上的人民从他的枷锁下解放出来。 　　任何一个同纳粹主义作斗争的人或国家，都将得到我们的援助。任何一个与希特勒同流合污的人或国家，都是我们的敌人。这一点不仅适用于国家组织，而且适用于那些卑劣的、吉斯林之流的代表人物，他们充当了纳粹制度的工具和代理人，反对自己的同胞，反对自己的故土。这些吉斯林们，就像纳粹头目本身一样，如果没有被自己的同胞干掉（干掉就会省去很多麻烦），就将在胜利的翌日被我们送交同盟国法庭审判。这就是我们的政策，这就是我们的声明。 　　希特勒侵略俄国不过是企图侵略不列颠诸岛的前奏。毫无疑问，他指望在冬季到来之前结束这一切，并在美国海军和空军进行干涉之前击溃大不列颠。他指望更大规模地重演故伎：把敌人各个击破。他一直是凭借这种伎俩得逞的。那时，他就可以为最后的行动扫清障碍了，也就是说，他就要迫使西半球屈服干他的意志和制度了，而如果做不到这一点，他的一切征服都将落空。 　　因此，俄国的危险就是我国的危险，就是美国的危险；为保卫家园而战的俄国人民的事业，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事业。 　　让我们从如此残酷的经验中吸取教训吧！乘此生命尚存，力量还在之际，让我们加倍努力，合力奋战吧！ 温斯顿·丘吉尔 “他们最光辉的时刻” Winston Churchill “ THEIR FINEST HOUR ” June 18 ， 1940 Winston Churchill “THEIR FINEST HOUR” June 18，1940 　　I spoke the other day of the colossal military disas- ter which occurred when the French High Com- mand failed to withdraw the northern armies fromBelgium at a moment when they knew that the French front was decisively broken at Sedan and onthe Meuse. 　　This delay entailed the loss of fifteen or six- teen French divisions and threw out of action thewhole of the British Expeditionary Force. 　　Our army were indeed rescued by the BritishNavy from Dunkirk，but only with the loss of alltheir cannon，vehicles and modern equipment. 　　This loss inevitably took some weeks to repair，and in the first two of these weeks the Battle ofFrance had been lost. 　　Now I put all this aside.I put it on the shelffrom which the historians may select their docu- ments in order to tell their story.We have to thinkof the future and not of the past. 　　There are many who wish to hold an inquest upon the conduct of the government and of Parlia- ment during the years which led up to this catas-trophe.They wish to indict those who were re- sponsible for the guidance of our affairs. 　　This also would be a foolish and perniciousprocess.There are too many in it.Let each mansearch his conscience and search his speeches，as Ifrequently search mine.Of this I am quite sure，that if we open a quarrel between the past and thepresent we shall find that we have lost the future. 　　The military events which have happened inFrance during the last fortnight have not come tome with any sense of surprise； indeed，I indicateda fortnight ago as clearly as I could to the House，that the worst possibilities were open and I made itperfectly clear that whatever happened in France，it would make no difference to the resolve ofBritain and the British Empire to fight on，if neces-sary for years，and if necessary alone. 　　We have under arms at the present time in thisisland over 1，250，000 men.Behind these we havethe local defense volunteers，numbering 500，000，only a portion of whom，however，are armed withrifles or other firearms. 　　We have incorporated into our defense force amass of weapons and we expect very large addi-tions to these weapons in the near future.Inpreparation，we intend to call up，drill and train，further large numbers at once. 　　We also have the Dominion armies here.TheCanadians had actually landed in France，but havenow been safely withdrawn much disappointed andare here with all their artillery and equipment.These very high-class forces from the dominionswill now take part in the defense of their mothercountry. 　　Thus，the invasion of Great Britain at thistime would require the transport across the seas ofhostile armies on a very large scale and after theyhad been so transported，they would have to becontinually maintained with all the immense massof munitions and supplies which are required forcontinuous battle，as continuous battle it wouldbe. 　　Now here is where we come to the navy.Af- ter all，we have a navy； some people seem to for- get it.We must remind them.For more than thir-ty years I have been concerned in discussions aboutthe possibility of an overseas invasion and I tookthe responsibility on behalf of the Admiralty at thebeginning of the last war of allowing all the regulartroops to be sent out of the country although ourTerritorials had only just been called up and werequite untried. 　　It seems to me that as far as sea-borne inva-sion on a great scale is concerned，we are far morecapable of meeting it than we were at many periodsin the last war and during the early months of thiswar before our troops were trained and while theBritish Expeditionary Force was abroad. 　　We have also a great system of mine fields，recently reinforced，through which we alone knowthe channel.If the enemy tries to sweep a channelthrough these mine fields，it will be the task of thenavy to destroy these mine-sweepers and any otherforce employed to protect them.There ought to beno difficulty about this，owing to our superiority atsea. 　　Some people will ask why it was that theBritish Navy was not able to prevent the movementof a large army from Germany into Norway acrossthe Skagerrak.But conditions in the Channel andin the North Sea are in no way like those whichprevail in the Skagerrak.In the Skagerrak，be- cause of the distance，we could give no air supportto our surface ships and consequently，lying as wedid close to the enemy's main air power in Norwe-gian waters，we were compelled to use only oursubmarines. 　　This brings me naturally to the great questionof invasion from the air and the impending strugglebetween the British and German Air Forces. 　　It seems quite clear that no invasion on a scalebeyond the capacity of our ground forces to crushspeedily is likely to take place from the air untilour air force has been definitely overpowered.Inthe meantime，there may be raids by parachutetroops and attempted descents by air-borne soldiers.We ought to be able to give those gentrya warm reception，both in the air and if they reachthe ground in any condition to continue their dis- pute.（The great question is，can we break Hitler'sair weapon？） 　　Now，of course，it is a very great pity that wehave not got an air force at least equal to that of the most powerful enemy within reach of our shores，but we have a very powerful air force，which has proved itself far superior in quality bothin men and in many types of machines to what wehave met so far in the numerous fierce air battleswhich have been fought. 　　There remains the danger of the bombing at- tacks，which will certainly be made very soon uponus by the bomber forces of the enemy.It is quitetrue that these forces are superior in number toours，but we have a very large bombing force alsowhich we shall use to strike at the military targetsin Germany without intermission. 　　I do not at all underrate the severity of the or-deal which lies before us，but I believe that ourcountrymen will show themselves capable of stand-ing up to it and carrying on in spite of it at least aswell as any other people in the world. 　　It will depend upon themselves，and everyman and woman will have the chance of showingthe finest qualities of their race and of renderingthe highest service to their cause. 　　For all of us，whatever our sphere or station，it will be a help to remember the famous lines：He nothing common did，or mean Upon that memorable scene. 　　I have thought it right on this occasion to givethe House and the country some indication of thesolid，practical grounds upon which we are basingour invincible resolve to continue the war，and I can assure them that our professional advisers ofthe three services unitedly advise that we should doit，and that there are good and reasonable hopes offinal victory. 　　We have fully informed all the self-governingdominions and we have received from all PrimeMinisters messages couched in the most movingterms，in which they endorse our decision and de- clare themselves ready to share our fortunes andpersevere to the end. 　　We may now ask ourselves in what way hasour position worsened since the beginning of thewar.It is worsened by the fact that the Germanshave conquered a large part of the coast of the Al- lies in Western Europe，and many small and countrieshave beed overrun by them.This aggravates thepossibility of air attack and adds to our naval pre-occupation，but it in no way diminishes，but on thecontrary definitely increases，the power of ourlong-distance blockade. 　　Should military resistance come to an end inFrance—which is not yet，though it will in anycase be greatly diminished—the Germans can con-centrate their forces both military and industrial upon us.But for the reason given to the House thiswill not be easy to apply. 　　If invasion becomes more imminent，we havebeen relieved from the task of maintaining a largearmy in France and we have a far larger and moreefficient force here to meet it. 　　If Hitler can bring under despotic control theindustries of the countries he has conquered，thiswill add grestly to his already vast armament out-put.On the other hand，this will not happen im-mediately and we are now assured of immense con-tinued and increasing support in munitions of allkinds from the United States，and especially of air-planes and pilots from across the ocean.They willcome from regions beyond the reach of enemybombers.I do not see how any of these factors can oper-ate to our detriment，on balance，before the Win-ter comes，and the Winter will impose a strain up-on the Nazi regime，with half Europe wr