为了正常的体验网站,请在浏览器设置里面开启Javascript功能!

英国退出欧盟

2017-09-02 12页 doc 43KB 28阅读

用户头像

is_882336

暂无简介

举报
英国退出欧盟英国退出欧盟 Britain's future 英国的未来 Goodbye Europe 别了,欧洲 A British exit from the European Union looks increasingly possible. It would be a reckless gamble 英国退出欧盟的可能性看上去越来越大。这可能是一场不计后果的赌博。 Dec 8th 2012 | from the print edition “BRITAIN does not dream of some cosy,...
英国退出欧盟
英国退出欧盟 Britain's future 英国的未来 Goodbye Europe 别了,欧洲 A British exit from the European Union looks increasingly possible. It would be a reckless gamble 英国退出欧盟的可能性看上去越来越大。这可能是一场不计后果的赌博。 Dec 8th 2012 | from the print edition “BRITAIN does not dream of some cosy, isolated existence on the fringes of the European Community,” asserted Margaret Thatcher in 1988. Now, increasingly, it does. Opinion polls show that most Britons are in favour of leaving the European Union. Baroness Thatcher's Conservative Party, which took Britain into Europe four decades ago, is divided between those who long for an arm's-length relationship and those who want to walk out. The second camp is swelling. 玛格丽特?撒切尔在1988年宣称:“英国并不梦想着成为欧共体边缘多少有点惬意和孤立的 国家。”如今,英国每天都在做着这样的梦。民调显示,大多数英国人赞成脱离欧洲联盟。 40年前,撒切尔女男爵的保守党将英国带进欧盟,如今它已分裂成两派。一派希望同欧盟 保持正常的关系,另一派希望走出欧洲大陆,此派的阵营正在壮大。 Even the fiercest British critics of the EU are astonished by the speed at which things are moving. Parliamentary rebellions over Europe are becoming easier and easier to organise. Euroscepticism is hardening in the Conservative Party, in much the same way as social conservatism has gone from being a powerful current in America's Republican Party to an intolerant orthodoxy. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), which wants to leave the EU, has abruptly moved from the political margins to the mainstream. A referendum on Britain's membership of the EU now seems a matter of timing. 就连对欧盟持最强烈批评态度的英国舆论也对事态的发展速度感到惊讶。组织针对欧洲大陆 的议会起义变得越来越容易。就像社会保守主义从美国共和党内的主流变成狭隘的正统观念 一样,保守党内的欧洲怀疑主义也在强硬起来。支持脱欧的英国独立党(UKIP)在一夜之间从 政治的边缘变成主流。如今,对英国的欧盟成员资格进行全民公投似乎成为迫在眉睫的事情。 Continental Europeans are surprised too—and annoyed. They are bewildered that the British should be talking of leaving a club that many believe has shifted decisively in a free-trading, Anglo-Saxon direction in the past two decades. They also resent the way Britain seems to be using the threat of an exit as a bargaining tool, especially at a time when the euro is in crisis. As they see it, Britain wants to carve out a privileged place for itself in the European club, where it can enjoy free trade without any of the other membership rules. In Berlin and Rome, political leaders argue that Britain needs to make up its mind once and for all: does it want to be in or out? 欧洲大陆也感到吃惊——和恼怒。让他们困惑的是,欧盟在过去20年间毅然决然地按照自 由贸易和盎格鲁-撒克逊模式进行了转型,而英国竟然在探讨离开这个俱乐部的话题。他们 对英国人似乎正在把脱欧的威胁当做谈判砝码的做法——尤其是在欧元处于危机时还如此 ——表示不满。在他们看来,英国想要为自己在欧洲俱乐部内攫取一个特权地位,使她可以 在不受其他成员国约束的情况下享受自由贸易。柏林和罗马的领导人认为,英国需要做出永 久性的决定:到底是想留还是想走, Oops! 天哪~ For an economically liberal newspaper that has been sceptical of much that Brussels does, a British exit would be a double tragedy. Britons would suffer far more than they currently realise, as we explain in detail in our briefing this week (see article). Europe would be damaged too. Britain has stood for free trade and low regulation, so without it the union would be more lethargic and left ever further behind by America and the emerging world. 在一家对布鲁塞尔的大多数政策持怀疑态度的经济自由派报纸看来,英国脱欧可能是一个双 重悲剧。如同本周精粹栏目所详细叙述的那样,英国人为此所遭受的痛苦远远大于他们现在 能够意识到的。欧洲也会遭遇打击。英国一直是自由贸易和放松监管的表率,失去她的欧盟 会更加了无生气,并且会被美国和新兴国家落得更远。 The speediest way for Britain to tumble out would be an “In or Out” referendum called by a prime minister frightened by rising anti-Europe feeling in Parliament and the country as a whole. David Cameron, Britain's prime minister, has tried to resist this, hinting instead that Britons would be given a choice between the status quo and a more detached relationship. But few are satisfied with that. Conservative MPs look over their right shoulders at UKIP and clamour for a sharper choice. 英国仓促出走的最快方式是由已被议会和国内反欧情绪高涨搞得六神无主的首相下令进行 一次“留还是走”的全民公决。英国首相戴维•卡梅伦一直在努力抵制公民公决。他暗示说, 英国人反而应当在现状和更超脱的关系之间做出选择。但是几乎无人对此感到满意。保守党 议员向独立党看齐,并且为更明确的选择而四处呼吁。 Another route out involves a diplomatic slip. The cleverer Eurosceptics, including Mr Cameron, do not want Britain to leave; they just want to bring back some powers from Brussels. But their efforts to do so are making things worse. Last year almost all other EU members lined up against Mr Cameron, who was trying to block a fiscal compact to help resolve the euro crisis. The British now hope that tightening euro-zone integration provides a chance for Mr Cameron to negotiate looser ties. They could be wrong. Other countries are tiring of British demands. Many, including Germany, would prefer to avoid a British exit, but they are not so desperate to keep Mr Cameron in that they are prepared to concede much in the way of social and labour-market regulation. And some, such as France, might positively welcome the departure of the club's most awkward member. Bad-tempered negotiations would increase the likelihood of an “out” vote in a British referendum. 另一条出走的道路涉及外交方面的一些麻烦。包括卡梅伦在内的较明智的欧洲怀疑派不准备 让英国脱离欧盟;他们只是想从布鲁塞尔讨回一些权力。但是,他们为此所做的努力正在使 事情变得更糟糕。去年,当卡梅伦试图阻止一项有助于解决欧元危机的财政契约获得通过时, 除英国之外的几乎所有欧盟成员国都联合起来反对他。如今,英国希望对欧元区一体化的强 化能为卡梅伦提供一个通过谈判减少合作的机会。他们可能打错了算盘。其他国家对英国的 要求感到厌倦。虽然包括德国在内的多个国家倾向于防止英国脱欧,但是他们还没有迫切到 为了让英国留在欧盟而准备在社会和劳动力市场的监管方式上做出大幅让步的程度。同时, 包括法国在内的一些国家可能对俱乐部中处境最尴尬成员的离去表示明确欢迎。恶劣心情下 的谈判可能会增加英国全民公决中投“离开”票的可能性。 Little sovereignty, large cost 不菲的代价,少量的主权 And what if Britain left? It could grab a few benefits quickly. The nation would save about ?8 billion ($13 billion) a year in net budget contributions. Freed of the common agricultural policy, its food could become cheaper. If it pulled out of the single market, it could do away with annoying labour directives. The City would not have to worry so much about a financial-transaction tax and creeping European finance rules. 那么,英国脱欧影响几何呢,眼前的好处有以下几个:国家每年能节省80亿英镑(130亿 美元)的净预算分摊额。从欧洲统一农业政策中解放出来后,英国的食品会更加便宜。如果 脱离统一市场的话,英国能摆脱恼人的劳工指令。伦敦金融城不必为繁重的金融交易税和恼 人的欧洲金融法规而担忧。 Yet these gains would be greatly outweighed by the costs of a British exit, which would dent trade with a market that accounts for half of Britain's exports. The carmakers that use Britain as their European operations base would gradually drift away, along with large parts of the financial-services industry. Britain would have to renegotiate dozens of bilateral trade deals from a much weaker position than it enjoyed as a member of the EU. It would cut a greatly diminished figure on the world stage. It would have bought some sovereignty, but at an extraordinary cost to Britain—and its partners. 不过,这些好处同脱欧的代价——受影响的市场占英国出口量的一半——相比简直是九牛一 毛。把英国当做其欧洲业务基地的汽车厂商和大部分金融服务产业会逐步撤离。同保持欧盟 成员国相比,英国不得不站在一个弱者的地位上重新进行一连串的双边贸易谈判。脱欧会大 大消弱英国在世界舞台上的形象,英国——及其伙伴可能会以极高的代价换取一部分国家主 权。 Among those who want out, there is talk of finding an accommodation by which Britain would leave the EU but still trade freely with it (the equivalent of eating in a restaurant but not paying the cover charge). Some Eurosceptics suggest Britain could join Norway in the European Economic Area. That would leave it bound by EU regulations that it would be almost powerless to shape—a situation many Britons, especially Eurosceptics, would find intolerable. Others hope Britain might get the same deal as Switzerland, which is a little further removed but gets good access to the single market. It wouldn't: the EU already regrets giving Switzerland the Swiss option, so it is scarcely likely to give bigger, more troublesome Britain the same deal. Again, disappointment and a referendum beckon. 想要脱欧的人们正在探讨一种可以让英国在脱欧的同时仍然可以自由地同其进行贸易的通 融办法(这同在饭店吃饭却不付小费有点类似)。一些疑欧派人士提议,英国可以像挪威一 样加入欧洲经济区,使英国处于几乎无力形成的欧盟监管的约束——这是多数英国人,尤其 是欧洲怀疑人士无法容忍的情况。有人希望英国能够达成类似于瑞士的那种,也就是说 以更多的让步换取进入统一市场的便利。不过,这是不可能实现的:欧盟早就在为给予瑞士 自主选择后悔不已,因此几乎不可能同影响力更大而且更难管理的英国达成类似协议。再次 失望之余,全民公决在召唤英国人。 Can anything be done to prevent this slow-motion disaster? Quite possibly, it can. Oddly, Mr Cameron should try emulating Baroness Thatcher. She is remembered today as a handbag-swinger who commanded Brussels to retreat, but she also knew how to make common cause with other European leaders. Unfortunately, the quality of British EU diplomacy has deteriorated in recent years. Obsessed with repatriating powers and with appearing tough to their domestic audience, Britain's current leaders seem to have forgotten the art of dealmaking. Mr Cameron has a good case to make, especially when he argues for extending the single market to promote growth. He also has powerful sympathisers in Europe, including Germany's Angela Merkel, but they seldom become useful allies because Britain is seen as a blackmailing zealot. 有什么办法可以阻止这种慢镜头回放式的灾难吗,当然有。奇怪的是,卡梅伦应当努力效仿 撒切尔女男爵。虽说她留在当今人们记忆中的形象是一位挥舞着手提包命令布鲁塞尔撤退的 人,但是她还了解如何同其他欧洲领导人进行合作。不幸的是,英国对欧盟外交的质量近些 年来一直在下滑。由于忙于收回权力并且对国内民众显得更加强硬,当前的英国领导人似乎 已经忘记了做交易的技巧。卡梅伦拥有做交易的有力条件,尤其是他对扩大统一市场以提高 增长的意见表示赞同的时候。虽说他在欧洲还拥有不少如德国总理默克尔这样的有影响力的 同情者,但是,由于英国被视为一个善于讨价还价的狂热分子,他们基本不可能成为可以依 赖的盟友。 The other priority should be educating Britons about what exactly a British exit would really involve. Big business and the City, whose interests lie solidly inside the EU, need to take a stand. The Labour Party, which has been playing a cynical and dangerous game, also needs to change its line. In October Labour MPs voted with anti-European Tories over the EU budget, handing the government its first major defeat. By strengthening those who want to leave Europe, Labour is making it more likely that a Conservative government will have to promise an in-or-out referendum. If it does, Labour may be bounced into promising the same. 另外一个要优先考虑的事项应该是,把脱欧的真相告诉英国人。其利益与留在欧盟密切相关 的金融产业和金融城必须做出表态。一直在玩弄悲观和危险把戏的工党也必须改变立场。今 年10月,工党议员联合保守党中的反欧议员否决了欧盟预算案,让政府遭遇首次重大失败。 通过强化同脱欧议员的联系,工党令保守党政府不得不保证进行一次“留还是走”的全民公决 可能性得以提高。如果真得进行全民公决的话,工党可能会被迫做出同样的保证。 Most of the heavy lifting, at home as well as in Brussels, will have to be done by Mr Cameron and his chancellor, George Osborne. They need to remind Britons of the victories that have been won within the EU and of the dangers of falling out of it. And above all, they need to rediscover the virtues of muddling along and keeping options open. The referendum is a good example. Rushing to hold a simple in-or-out vote sounds clear and decisive. But stalling for time is wiser. The government should resist demands for a vote at least until it becomes clear what sort of Europe Britain would be voting to remain in or leave. This sort of wait-and-see approach may feel unsatisfactory, but it is what kept Britain out of the euro. 不管是在国内还是在布鲁塞尔,还有许多困难在等着卡梅伦和财政大臣乔治?奥斯本去解决。 他们有必要提醒英国人,即要记住已在欧盟取得的胜利,也不要忘记脱盟的危险。同时,更 重要的是,他们有必要重新发掘出“和稀泥”和保留各种选项的长处。全民公决就是一个绝好 的例子。单就“留还是走”进行一次仓促的投票听起来意义非凡,但是暂时搁置才是更明智的 做法。政府至少应当对投票的要求进行抵制,直到英国对为什么样的欧洲进行留还是走的投 票了解清楚为止。此类观望手段或许无法令人满意,但它正是让英国远离欧元的办法。 Britain's position in Europe may become untenable, if the resolution of the economic crisis binds the countries of the euro zone ever closer and all other EU countries join. But that is not a certainty, and nor is Britain's steady marginalisation. Difficult and often humiliating as it may be, the best course is to stick close to Europe, and try to bend it towards Britain. 如果对经济危机的解决将欧元区国家更加紧密地团结起来,并且让其他欧盟国家也加入进来, 那么英国在欧洲的立场可能会站不住脚。但是,这既不是板上钉钉的事情,也不能说英国肯 定会被边缘化。这也许是困难的,也许还经常令人难堪,但最佳的选择就是紧紧地同欧洲联 结在一起,并努力使这种联结有利于英国。
/
本文档为【英国退出欧盟】,请使用软件OFFICE或WPS软件打开。作品中的文字与图均可以修改和编辑, 图片更改请在作品中右键图片并更换,文字修改请直接点击文字进行修改,也可以新增和删除文档中的内容。
[版权声明] 本站所有资料为用户分享产生,若发现您的权利被侵害,请联系客服邮件isharekefu@iask.cn,我们尽快处理。 本作品所展示的图片、画像、字体、音乐的版权可能需版权方额外授权,请谨慎使用。 网站提供的党政主题相关内容(国旗、国徽、党徽..)目的在于配合国家政策宣传,仅限个人学习分享使用,禁止用于任何广告和商用目的。

历史搜索

    清空历史搜索