反思法国大革命 课前演讲文字稿

Goodmorning,everyone.TodaymyspeechisaboutReflectionsontheRevolutioninFrancewrittenbyEdmundBurke.WewillfirstknowsomethingaboutBurke.EdmundBurke,anIrishstatesmanborninDublin,alsoanauthor,orator,politicaltheorist,aftermovingtoLondon,servedamemberofparliamentformanyyearsintheHouseofCommonswithWhigParty.TheWhigPartyatthattimeadvocatedmoreliberty,whileToryPartyadvocatedmoreorder,whichconstitutedtwopartsofBurke’spoliticalthinking:orderisoneoftheconditionsforliberty.Andmoreinformationaboutthesetowconceptswillbediscussedlater.大家注意一下，当年在柏克的时代，辉格党和托利党并没有保守和自由之分，而我们今天叫托利党是保守党，是因为托利党的一个领袖在1834年的时候搞了一个TamworthManifesto，给托利党的贴了一个标签，就是conservative，而当时柏克已经去世快半个世纪了。所以这个不是一个时间面上的。Healsourgedgradualreformratherthanrebellion,andthelegalexistenceofking,soheiscalled“thefounderofconservatism”,buttheword“conservatism”iscreatedinthetwentiethcenturytodescribeDonaldRegan’scampaignplatforms.FortheFrenchRevolution,initially,hedidnotcondemnit:“EnglandgazingwithastonishmentataFrenchstruggleforLibertyandnotknowingwhethertoblameortoapplaud!”.Then,whenhereadDr.Price’ssermonentitledADiscourseontheLoveofourCountrywhichclaimedthreeprinciplesoftheFrenchRevolution,thatis“therighttochooseourowngovernors,tocashierthemformisconduct,andtoframeagovernmentforourselves”,BurkegotangryandwroteReflectionsontheRevolutioninFrancetodebatewithhim.Thebookisintheformofaletter,alittledisorderedinlogicandevensometimesinBurke’sownview,soIwilltrytosortouthisideasinalogicway,andourattentionwillbefocusedonhisrefutationtoDr.Price,andfromhisrefutationwewillseepartofhisthought.Firstly,Dr.Pricesaid,weshallhavetherighttochooseourowngovernors,whileBurke,asthefirmsupportertothehereditarykingship,arguedthatpeopledon’thavetherighttochoosetheirgovernor,andtheyalsodon’thavetheintelligencetochoosetheirgovernor.Thehereditarykingshipistheabsolutenecessitytoensurethepeaceandstabilityofonecountry,andpeoplecanresorttotheirkingtoaskforthepeaceandstability.Herewecanseehisopiniononaristocracy.Thelibertyandpowerofaristocracyshallbeintermingledwiththoseofpeople.Thewaythataristocracyassumedtheirpoweristocombinetheirglorywiththecommoninterestofthepublic.Herewecanalsoseehisclass,representingboththearistocracyandtheemergingbourgeoisie,theorderandliberty.Thenherecomestothesecondprinciple:therighttocashierourgovernorformisconduct”,andthatisalsotheoneintroducedinourbook.WhileBurkefirstarguedthat“Nogovernmentcouldstandamoment,ifitcouldbeblowndownwithanythingsolooseandindefiniteasanopinionof"misconduct.”[1]ThebeliefofhisancestorsinGloriousRevolutionisnottomaketheconstitutionimperishablethoughrevolution,buttoforbidthecountryfromusingsucharevolutionarywaytosaveitselfagaininthefuture.InDr.Price’ssermon,ifthekingistheservantofpeople,[2]thentherebelwouldbetheservantsofservant,andthecountryisnowtrampledbyaclusteroffisherman.Tomockthembyusingirony.HerewecouldseeBurke’sopiniononKing.[3]Kingshouldusehispowertoprotecthispeoplewhileacceptingtherespectandobediencefromhispeople.[4]Heshallbemild,lawful,conferringprotection,grace,favorandimmunitiestohispeople.[5]Whenhemakesmistakes,heshallhavethechancetocorrect.Andafterbeingcorrected,heshallcontinuetobetheking.Then,wegobacktotherefutation.[6][7]Iftheaimforcashieringthekingistoprotectconstitution,itwillbeperformedwithforce.Itthenbecomesacaseofwar,butnotofconstitution,anaffairofcountry,butnotofpeople.So,therevolutionforpeopleisnotforpeopleeventually,itwouldbeaparadoxinnature.Third,wecometothethirdprinciple:therighttoframeagovernmentforourselves.[8][9]BurkearguedthattheGloriousRevolutionaimedtoprotecttheantiquityweinheritedfromourancestors.Iftherebelthoughttoday’sgovernmentdidn’tdeservethefameforwisdom,suchanevaluationwasbasedontheirprepossessiontowardantiquity.So,touseantiquitytoattackgovernmentbuiltbasedonantiquity,thatisanotherparadox.HerewecanseeBurke’sopiniononantiquity,alsothetraditionofreformationratherthanrevolutioninheritedfromtheGloriousRevolution.Thereexistboththegoodnessandevilness.Ifwepursuetheabsolutegoodness,wewillbemucheasiertocometodespotism.So,therevolutionmightbeperformedbytheviolencetoforbidviolence,ortobecarriedoutinthenameofpurerevolutiontoestablishdespotism,whichhumanshouldfightagainst.Buthowtofightagainstit?Byantiquitythatistheaccumulationofancientintelligenceandevolvingallalongwiththetimes.Thatistosay,Burkeisanempiricist.所以，柏克的观点是改良，而非改革。为什么？因为，他是一个经验主义者。他强调做事情要遵循经验，要有章可循、有法可依。循什么？依什么呢？当然不会是空想。只能是传统的经验教训。所以，他觉得光荣革命好，把光荣革命作为自己论辩的出发点。就是因为光荣革命达到了柏克心中理想的英国式自由，也就是，国王承认国民的自由，在自由的条件下登上王位，权力得到宪政的保障。因此，光荣革命是柏克的审慎政治观的最佳范本。因为，光荣革命既遵循了传统，也保证了自由。反对专制，维护自由，liberty,也维护秩序和权威，orderandauthority.Intheformerpartofmyspeech,wetalkedaboutBurke’soppositiontothepoliticalthoughtsoftheFrenchrebel,suchasthegovernor,king,governmentandsomethinglike.Then,wewilltalkabouthisoppositiontothetheoreticalbasisoftheFrenchrevolution,thesocalledthenaturalright,democracy,equalityandliberty.First,thereisaquestion:whereourpowercomesfrom?TheDeclarationofIndependencesaidinthebeginning:weholdthesetruthstobeself-evident,thatallmenarecreatedequal,thattheyareendowedbytheirCreatorwithcertainunalienablerights.ButfromBurke’sopinion,thesetruthsarenotself-evident.ThenaturalrightsthattheFrenchrebelsetastheirtheoreticalbasisistosomedegreeideal,cloudy-built.Tousesuchtheabstractnaturalrightstosetagovernmentisalsoundoubtedlyideal,cloudy-built.Soistothedemocracy,equalityandliberty.所以说，如果要攻击法国革命者的革命理论，就要从权利入手。权利哪来的？启蒙思想家认为是天赋人权，不言而自明的。但是柏克认为这很虚幻、很空想。所以，就像我们前面所说的那样，柏克认为，当前的法国大革命中，领导者和拥护者是冒失的理性主义和天真的乐观主义。[10]当前的革命者，是打着革命的旗号，干着暴力的事情，暴力地摧残国家、经济、文化等等，折磨杀死他们的仁慈而美丽的君主，（据说他很倾慕当时的法国国王的妻子）最恐怖的是，这些革命者还不自知。当然，因果轮回，以革命之名行暴力之实，最终会回到暴力。这个预言在拿破仑建立法兰西帝国的时候成真了。[11]柏克还说，这些暴力和残忍，并非出于恐惧，而是出于绝对安全的观念。绝对安全的观念，据我理解，就是一切要自己掌握，不肯让渡权力，或者不相信权力的接受者可以保护他们。现在两点：现有的一切都让他们不满意，要摧毁，而现有政府摧毁后如何建造，不在他们的考虑之内，这是平民的想法，他们只是借着革命这一个发泄口，来发泄一下。对于拿破仑这样的人来说，就是对于统治者来说，他的绝对安全的观念，表现在，我对人民都不放心，我要统治、要专制、要扩张、要霸权，所谓的共和给平民，我从另一个方面控制人民，以实现我的绝对安全。跑题了，我们回到柏克本人：他肯定了自由和自然，也否定了平等和民主。我们说他肯定自由，是因为他